An award-winning TV personality and the author of the bestseller,
The Trouble with Islam: A Muslim's Call for Reform in
her Faith, Ms. Manji talks of her childhood experiences
and explains why she became a "Muslim refusenik."
In the following commentary published across the world and
aired on National Public Radio (NPR), she offers practical
suggestions for changing Islam and explores how the Muslim
world can move beyond anti-Semitism to embrace diversity.
How I Learned to Love the Wall
ON March 28, Israelis will elect a new prime minister to
replace the ailing Ariel Sharon. But I'd bet my last shekel
that I'll continue to hear the phrase "Ariel Sharon's
apartheid wall." It's a phrase spoken — make
that spewed — on almost every university campus I
visit in North America and Europe.
Among a new generation of Muslims, this is what Mr. Sharon
will be known for long after he leaves office: unilaterally
erecting a barrier, most of it a fence, some of it a wall,
that cuts Arab villages in half, chokes the movement of
ordinary Palestinians, cripples local economies and, ultimately,
separates human beings.
The critics have a point — up to a point.
They're right that Palestinians are virtually wailing at
"the wall." When I went to see its towering cement
slabs in the West Bank town of Abu Dis last year, an Arab
man approached me to unload his sadness. "It's no good,"
he said. "It's hard."
"Why do you think they built it?" I asked.
The man shook his head and repeated, "It's hard."
After some silence, he added, "We are not two people.
We are one."
"How do you explain that to suicide bombers?"
I wondered aloud.
The man smiled. "No understand," he replied.
"No English. Thank you. Goodbye."
Was it something I said? Maybe my impolite mention of Palestinian
martyrs? Then again, how could I not mention them?
After all, this barrier, although built by Mr. Sharon,
was birthed by "shaheeds," suicide bombers whom
Palestinian leaders have glorified as martyrs. Qassam missiles
can kill two or three people at a time. Suicide bombers
lay waste to many more. Since the barrier went up, suicide
attacks have plunged, which means innocent Arab lives have
been spared along with Jewish ones. Does a concrete effort
to save civilian lives justify the hardship posed by this
structure? The humanitarian in me bristles, but ultimately
answers yes.
That's not to deny or even diminish Arab pain. I had to
twist myself like an amateur gymnast when I helped a Palestinian
woman carry her grocery bags through a gap in the wall (such
gaps, closely watched by Israeli soldiers, do exist). It
made me wonder how much more difficult the obstacle course
must be for people twice my age, who must travel to one
of the wider official checkpoints nearby.
I appreciate that Israel's intent is not to keep Palestinians
"in" so much as to keep suicide bombers "out."
But in the minds of many Palestinians, Ariel Sharon never
adequately acknowledged the humiliation felt by a 60-year-old
Arab whose family has harvested the Holy Land for generations
when she has to show her identity card to an 18-year-old
Ethiopian immigrant in an Israeli Army uniform who's been
in the country for eight months. In that context, fences
and walls come off as cruelly gratuitous.
For all the closings, however, Israel is open enough to
tolerate lawsuits by civil society groups who despise every
mile of the barrier. Mr. Sharon himself agreed to reroute
sections of it when the Israel High Court ruled in favor
of the complainants. Where else in the Middle East can Arabs
and Jews work together so visibly to contest, and change,
state policies?
I reflected on this question as I observed an Israeli Army
jeep patrol the gap in Abu Dis. The vehicle was crammed
with soldiers who, in turn, observed me filming the anti-Israel
graffiti scrawled by Western activists — "Scotland
hates the blood-sucking Zionists!" I turned my video
camera on the soldiers. Nobody ordered me to shut it off
or show the tape. My Arab taxi driver stood by, unprotected
by a diplomatic license plate or press banner.
Like all Muslims, I look forward to the day when neither
the jeep nor the wall is in Abu Dis. So will we tell the
self-appointed martyrs of Islam that the people —
not just Arabs, but Arabs and Jews — "are one"?
That before the barrier, there was the bomber? And that
the barrier can be dismantled, but the bomber's victims
are gone forever?
Young Muslims, especially those privileged with a good
education, cannot walk away from these questions as my interlocutor
in Abu Dis did. If we follow in his footsteps, we are only
conspiring against ourselves. After all, once the election
is over, we won't have Ariel Sharon to kick around anymore.
Irshad Manji, a fellow at Yale, is the author of "The
Trouble With Islam Today: A Muslim's Call for Reform in
Her Faith."
- Published March 18, 2006, New Haven, Connecticut